martes, 15 de julio de 2008

TODAY´S ADVICE for FRENADESO from this last document written by Vladimir Lenin.

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
Better Fewer, But Better

Written: March 2, 1923

Source: Lenin’s Collected Works, 2nd English Edition,
Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965, Volume 33, pages 487 - 502

First Published: Pravda (No. 49), March 4, 1923
Translated: David Skvirsky and George Hanna
Transcription/Mark-up: Brian BasgenPublic Domain: Lenin Internet Archive (1999).

You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.

This document is the second part of Lenin’s letter to the 12th Congress How we Should Reorganise the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection.

This is the last document written by Vladimir Lenin.

In the matter of improving our state apparatus, the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection should not, in my opinion, either strive after quantity or hurry. We have so far been able to devote so little thought and attention to the efficiency of our state apparatus that it would now be quite legitimate if we took special care to secure its thorough organisation, and concentrated in the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection a staff of workers really abreast of the times, i.e., not inferior to the best West-European standards. For a socialist republic this condition is, of course, too modest.

But our experience of the first five years has fairly crammed our heads with mistrust and scepticism. These qualities assert themselves involuntarily when, for example, we hear people dilating at too great length and too flippantly on "proletarian" culture. For a start, we should be satisfied with real bourgeois culture; for a start we should be glad to dispense with the crude types of pre-bourgeois culture, i.e., bureaucratic culture or serf culture, etc. In matters of culture, haste and sweeping measures are most harmful. Many of our young writers and Communists should get this well into their heads.

Thus, in the matter of our state apparatus we should now draw the conclusion from our past experience that it would be better to proceed more slowly.

Our state apparatus is so deplorable, not to say wretched, that we must first think very carefully how to combat its defects, bearing in mind that these defects are rooted in the past, which, although it has been overthrown, has not yet been overcome, has not yet reached the stage of a culture, that has receded into the distant past.

I say culture deliberately, because in these matters we can only regard as achieved what has become part and parcel of our culture, of our social life, our habits. We might say that the good in our social system has not been properly studied, understood, and taken to heart; it has been hastily grasped at; it has not been verified or tested, corroborated by experience, and not made durable, etc.

Of course, it could not be otherwise in a revolutionary epoch, when development proceeded at such break-neck speed that in a matter of five years we passed from tsarism to the Soviet system.

It is time we did something about it. We must show sound scepticism for too rapid progress, for boastfulness, etc. We must give thought to testing the steps forward we proclaim every hour, take every minute and then prove every second that they are flimsy, superficial and misunderstood. The most harmful thing here would be haste. The most harmful thing would be to rely on the assumption that we know at least something, or that we have any considerable number of elements necessary for the building of a really new state apparatus, one really worthy to be called socialist, Soviet, etc.

No, we are ridiculously deficient of such an apparatus, and even of the elements of it, and we must remember that we should not stint time on building it, and that it will take many, many years.

What elements have we for building this apparatus? Only two.

First, the workers who are absorbed in the struggle of socialism. These elements are not sufficient educated. They would like to build a better apparatus for us, but they do not know how. They cannot build one. They have not yet developed the culture required for this; and it is culture that is required.

Nothing will be achieved in this by doing things in a rush, by assault, by vim or vigour, or in general, by any of the best human qualities.

Secondly, we have elements of knowledge, education and training, but they are ridiculously inadequate compared with all other countries.

Here we must not forget that we are too prone to compensate (or imagine that we can compensate) our lack of knowledge by zeal, haste, etc.

In order to renovate our state apparatus we must at all costs set out, first, to learn, secondly, to learn, and thirdly, to learn, and then see to it that learning shall not remain a dead letter, or a fashionable catch-phrase (and we should admit in all frankness that this happens very often with us), that learning shall really become part of our very being, that it shall actually and fully become a constituent element of our social life.

In short, we must not make the demands that were made by bourgeois Western Europe, but demands that are fit and proper for a country which has set out to develop into a socialist country.

The conclusion to be drawn from the above are the following: we must make the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection a really exemplary institution, an instrument to improve our state apparatus.

In order that it may attain the desired high level, we must follow the rule: "Measure your cloth seven times before you cut."

For this purpose, we must utilise the very best of what there is in our social system, and utilise it with the greatest caution, thoughtfulness and knowledge, to build up the new People’s Commissariat.

For this purpose, the best elements that we have in our social system- such as, first, the advanced workers, and, second, the really enlightened elements for whom we can vouch that they will not take the word for the deed, and will not utter a single word that goes against their conscience- should not shrink from admitting any difficulty and should not shrink from any struggle in order to achieve the object they have seriously set themselves.

We have been bustling for five years trying to improve our state apparatus, but it has been mere bustle, which has proved useless in these five years, of even futile, or even harmful. This bustle created the impression that we were doing something, but in effect it was only clogging up our institutions and our brains.

It is high time things were changed.
We must follow the rule: Better fewer, but better. We must follow the rule: Better get good human material in two or even three years than work in haste without hope of getting any at all.

I know that it will be hard to keep to this rule and apply it under our conditions. I know that the opposite rule will force its way through a thousand loopholes. I know that enormous resistance will have to be put up, that devilish persistence will be required, that in the first few years at least, work in this field will be hellishly hard. Nevertheless, I am convinced that only by such effort shall we be able to achieve our aim; and that only by achieving this aim shall we create a republic that is really worthy of the name of Soviet, socialist, and so on, and so forth.

Many readers probably thought that the figures I quoted by way of illustration in my first article [ How We Should Reorganise the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection] were too small. I am sure that many calculations may be made to prove that they are. But I think that we must put one thing above all such and other calculations, i.e., our desire to obtain really exemplary quality.

I think that the time has at last come, when we must work in real earnest to improve our state apparatus and in this there can scarcely be anything more harmful than haste. That is why I would sound a strong warning against inflating the figures.

In my opinion, we should, on the contrary, be especially sparing with figures in this matter. Let us say frankly that the People’ s Commissariat of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection does not at present enjoy the slightest authority. Everybody knows that no other institutions are worse organised than those of our Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection, and that under present conditions nothing can be expected from this People’s Commissariat.

We must have this firmly fixed in our minds if we really want to create within a few years an institution that will, first, be an exemplary institution, secondly, win everybody’s absolute confidence, and, thirdly, prove to all and sundry that we have really justified the work of such a highly placed institution as the Central Control Commission. In my opinion, we must immediately and irrevocably reject all general figures for the size of office staffs. We must select employees for the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection with particular care and only on the basis of the strictest test. Indeed, what is the use of establishing a People’s Commissariat which carries on anyhow, which does not enjoy the slightest confidence, and whose word carries scarcely any weight? I think that our main object in launching the work of reconstruction that we now have in mind is to avoid all this.

The workers whom we are enlisting as members of the Central Control Commission must be irreproachable Communists, and I think that a great deal has yet to be done to teach them the methods and objects of their work. Furthermore, there must be a definite number of secretaries to assist in this work, who must be put to a triple test before they are appointed to their posts.

Lastly, the officials whom in exceptional cases we shall accept directly as employees of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection must conform to the following requirements:

First, they must be recommended by several Communists.

Second, they must pass a test for knowledge of our state apparatus.

Third, they must pass a test in the fundamentals of the theory of our state apparatus, in the fundamentals of management, office routine, etc.

Fourth, they must work in such close harmony with the members of the Central Control Commission and with their own secretariat that we could vouch for the work of the whole apparatus.

I know that these requirements are extraordinarily strict, and I am very much afraid that the majority of the "practical" workers in the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection will say that these requirements are impracticable, or will scoff at them. But I ask any of the present chiefs of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection, or anyone associated with that body, whether they can honestly tell me the practical purpose of a People’s Commissariat like the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection?

I think this question will help them recover their sense of proportion. Either it is not worth while having another of the numerous reorganisations that we have had of this hopeless affair, the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection, or we must really set to work, by slow, difficult and unusual methods, and by testing these methods over and over again, to create something really exemplary, something that will win the respect of all and sundry for its merits, and not only because of its rank and title.

If we do not arm ourselves with patience, if we do not devote several years to this task, we had better not tackle it at all.

In my opinion we ought to select a minimum number of the higher labour research institutes, etc., which we have baked so hastily, see whether they are organised properly, and allow them to continue working, but only in a way that conforms to the high standards of modern science and gives us all its benefits. If we do that it will not be utopian to hope that within a few years we shall have an institution that will be able to perform its functions, to work systematically and steadily on improving our state apparatus, an institution backed by the trust of the working class, of the Russian Communist Party, and the whole population of our Republic.

The spade-work for this could begin at once. If the People’s Commissariat of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection accepted the present plan of reogranisation, it could not take the preparatory steps and work methodically until the task is completed, without haste, and not hesitating to alter what has already been done.

Any half-hearted solution would be extremely harmful in this matter. A measure for the size of the staff of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection based on any other consideration would, in fact, be based on the old bureaucratic considerations, on old prejudices, on what has already been condemned, universally ridiculed, etc.

In substance, the matter is as follows:
Either we prove now that we have really learned something about state organisation (we ought to have learned something in five years), or we prove that we are not sufficiently mature for it. If the latter is the case, we had better not tackle the task.

I think that with the available human material it will not be immodest to assume that we have learned enough to be able to systematically rebuild at least one People’s Commissariat. True, this one People’s Commissariat will have to be the model for our entire state apparatus.

We ought to at once announce a contest in the compilation of two or more textbooks on the organisation of labour in general, and on management in particular. We can take as a basis the book already published by Yermansky, although it should be said in parentheses that he obviously sympathises with Menshevism and is unfit to compile textbooks for the Soviet system.

We can also take as a basis the recent book by Kerzhentsev, and some of the other partial textbooks available may be useful too.

We ought to send several qualified and conscientious people to Germany, or to Britain, to collect literature and to study this question. I mention Britain in case it is found impossible to send people to the U.S.A. or Canada.

We ought to appoint a commission to draw up the preliminary programme of examinations for prospective employees of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection; ditto for candidates to the Central Control Commission.

These and similar measures will not, of course, cause any difficulties for the People’s Commissar or the collegium of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection, or for the Presidium of the Central Control Commission.

Simultaneously, a preparatory commission should be appointed to select candidates for membership of the Central Control Commission. I hope that we shall now be able to find more than enough candidates for this post among the experienced workers in all departments, as well as among the students of our Soviet higher schools. It would hardly be right to exclude one or another category beforehand. Probably preference will have to be given to a mixed composition for this institution, which should combine many qualities, and dissimilar merits.

Consequently, the tasks of drawing up the list of candidates will entail a considerable amount of work. For example, it would be least desirable for the staff of the new People’s Commissariat to consist of people of one type, only of officials, say, or for it to exclude people of the propangandist type, or people whose principal quality is sociability or the ability to penetrate into circles that are not altogether customary for officials in this field, etc.

I think I shall be able to express my idea best if I compare my plan with that of academic institutions. Under the guidance of their Presidium, the members of the Central Control Commission should systematically examine all the paper and documents of the Political Bureau.

Moreover, they should divide their time correctly between various jobs in investigating the routine in our institutions, from the very small and privately-owned offices to the highest state institutions.

And lastly, their functions should include the study of theory, i.e., the theory of organisation of the work they intend to devote themselves to, and practical work under the guidance of other comrades or of teachers in the higher institutes for the organisation of labour.

I do not think, however, that they will be able to confine themselves to this sort of academic work. In addition, they will have to prepare themselves for working which I would not hesitate to call training to catch, I will not say rouges, but something like that, and working out special ruses to screen their movements, their approach, etc.

If such proposals were made in West-European government institutions they would rouse frightful resentment, a feeling of moral indignation, etc.; but I trust that we have not become so bureaucratic as to be capable of that. NEP has not yet succeeded in gaining such respect as to cause any of us to be shocked at the idea somebody may be caught. Our Soviet Republic is of such recent construction, and there are such heaps of the old lumber still lying around that it would hardly occur to anyone to be shocked at the idea that we should delve into them by means of ruses, by means of investigations sometimes directed to rather remote sources or in a roundabout way. And even if it did occur to anyone to be shocked by this, we may be sure that such a person would make himself a laughing-stock.

Let us hope that our new Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection will abandon what the French call pruderie, which we may call ridiculous primness, or ridiculous swank, and which plays entirely into the hands of our Soviet and Party bureaucracy. Let it be said in parentheses that we have bureaucrats in our Party offices as well as in Soviet offices.

When I said above that we must study and study hard in institutes for the higher organisation of labour, etc., I did not by any means imply "studying" in the schoolroom way, nor did I confine myself to the idea of studying only in the schoolroom way. I hope that not a single genuine revolutionary will suspect me of refusing, in this case, to understand "studies" to include resorting to some semi-humourous trick, cunning device, piece of trickery or something of that sort. I know that in the staid and earnest states of Western European such an idea would horrify people and that not a single decent official would even entertain it. I hope, however, that we have not yet become as bureaucratic as all that and that in our midst the discussion of this idea will give rise to nothing more than amusement.

Indeed, why not combine pleasure with utility? Why not resort to some humourous or semi-humorous trick to expose something ridiculous, something harmful, something semi-ridiculous, semi-harmful, etc.?

It seems to me that our Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection will gain a great deal if it undertakes to examine these ideas, and that the list of cases in which our Central Control Commission and its colleagues in the Workers and Peasants’ Inspection achieved a few of their most brilliant victories will be enriched by not a few exploits of our future Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection and Central Control Commission members in places not quite mentionable in prim and staid textbooks.

How can a Party institution be amalgamated with a Soviet institution? Is there not something improper in this suggestion?

I do not ask these questions on my own behalf, but on behalf of those I hinted at above when I said that we have bureaucrats in our Party institutions as well as in the Soviet institutions.

But why, indeed, should we not amalgamate the two if this is in the interests of our work? Do we not all see that such an amalgamation has been very beneficial in the case of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, where it was brought about at the very beginning? Does not the Political Bureau discuss from the Party point of view many questions, both minor and important, concerning the "moves" we should make in reply to the "moves" of foreign powers in order to forestall their, say, cunning, if we are not to use a less respectable term?

Is not this flexible amalgamation of a Soviet institution with a Party institution a source of great strength in our politics? I think that what has proved its usefulness, what has been definitely adopted in our foreign politics and has become so customary that it no longer calls forth any doubt in this field, will be at least as appropriate (in fact, I think it will be much more appropriate) for our state apparatus as a whole. The functions of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection cover our state apparatus as a whole, and its activities should affect all and every state institution without exception: local, central , commercial, purely administrative, educational, archival, theatrical, etc.- in short, all without any exception.

Why then should not an institution, whose activities have such wide scope, and which moreover requires such extraordinary flexibility of forms, be permitted to adopt this peculiar amalgamation of a Party control institution with a Soviet control institution?

I see no obstacles to this. What is more, I think that such an amalgamation is the only guarantee of success in our work. I think that all doubts on this score arise in the dustiest corners of our government offices, and that they deserve to be treated with nothing but ridicule.

Another doubt: is it expedient to combine educational activities with official activities? I think that it is not only expedient, but necessary. Generally speaking, in spite of our revolutionary attitude towards the West-European form of state, we have allowed ourselves to become infected with a number of its most harmful and ridiculous prejudices; to some extent we have been deliberately infected with them by our dear bureaucrats, who counted on being able again and again to fish in the muddy waters of these prejudices. And they did fish in these muddy waters to so great an extent that only the blind among us failed to see how extensively this fishing was practised.

In all spheres of social, economic and political relationships we are "frightfully" revolutionary. But as regards precedence, the observance of the forms and rites of office management, our "revolutionariness" often gives way to the mustiest routine. On more than one occasion, we have witnessed the very interesting phenomenon of a great leap forward in social life being accompanied by amazing timidity whenever the slightest changes are proposed.

This is natural, for the boldest steps forward were taken in a field which was long reserved for theoretical study, which was promoted mainly, and even almost exclusively, in theory. The Russian, when away from work, found solace from bleak bureaucratic realities in unusually bold theoretical constructions, and that is why in our country these unusually bold theoretical constructions assumed an unusually lopsided character. Theoretical audacity in general constructions went hand in hand with amazing timidity as regards certain very minor reforms in office routine. Some great universal agrarian revolution was worked out with an audacity unexampled in any other country, and at the same time the imagination failed when it came to working out a tenth-rate reform in office routine; the imagination, or patience, was lacking to apply to this reform the general propositions that produced such brilliant results when applied to general problems.

That is why in our present life reckless audacity goes hand in hand, to an astonishing degree, with timidity of thought even when it comes to very minor changes.

I think that this has happened in all really great revolutions, for really great revolutions grow out of the contradictions between the old, between what is directed towards developing the old, and the very abstract striving for the new, which must be so new as not to contain the tiniest particle of the old.

And the more abrupt the revolution, the longer will many of these contradictions last.

The general feature of our present life is the following: we have destroyed capitalist industry and have done our best to raze to the ground the medieval institutions and landed proprietorship, and thus created a small and very small peasantry, which is following the lead of the proletariat because it believes in the results of its revolutionary work. It is not easy for us, however, to keep going until the socialist revolution is victorious in more developed countries merely with the aid of this confidence, because economic necessity, especially under NEP, keeps the productivity of labour of the small and very small peasants at an extremely low level.

Moreover, the international situation, too, threw Russia back and, by and large, reduced the labour productivity of the people to a level considerably below pre-war. The West-European capitalist powers, partly deliberately and partly unconsciously, did everything they could to throw us back, to utilise the elements of the Civil War in Russia in order to spread as much ruin in the country as possible. It was precisely this way out of the imperialist war that seemed to have many advantages.

They argued somewhat as follows: "If we fail to overthrow the revolutionary system in Russia, we shall, at all events, hinder its progress towards socialism." And from their point of view they could argue in no other way. In the end, their problem was half-solved. They failed to overthrow the new system created by the revolution, but they did prevent it from at once taking the step forward that would have justified the forecasts of the socialists, that would have enabled the latter to develop the productive forces with enormous speed, to develop all the potentialities which, taken together, would have produced socialism; socialists would thus have proved to all and sundry that socialism contains within itself gigantic forces and that mankind had now entered in to a new stage of development of extraordinarily brilliant prospects.

The system of international relationships which has now taken shape is one in which a European state, Germany, is enslaved by the victor countries. Furthermore, owing to their victory, a number of states, the oldest states in the West, are in a position to make some insignificant concessions to their oppressed classes- concessions which, insignificant though they are, nevertheless heard the revolutionary movement in those countries and create some semblance of "class truce."

At the same time, as a result of the last imperialist war, a number of countries of the East, India, China, etc, have been completely jolted out of the rut. Their development has definitely shifted to general European capitalist lines. The general European ferment has begun to affect them, and it is now clear to the whole world that they have been drawn into a process of development that must lead to a crisis in the whole of world capitalism.

Thus, at the present time we are confronted with the question- shall we be able to hold on with our small and very small peasant production, and in our present state of ruin, until the West-European capitalist countries consummate their development towards socialism? But they are consummating it not as we formerly expected. They are not consummating it through the gradual "maturing" of socialism, but through the exploitation of some countries by others, through the exploitation of the first of the countries vanquished in the imperialist war combined with the exploitation of the whole of the East.

On the other hand, precisely as a result of the first imperialist war, the East has been definitely drawn into the revolutionary movement, has been definitely drawn into the general maelstrom of the world revolutionary movement.

What tactics does this situation prescribe for our country? Obviously the following. We must display extreme caution so as to preserve our workers’ government and to retain our small and very small peasantry under its leadership and authority.

We have the advantage that the whole world is now passing to a movement that must give rise to a world socialist revolution. But we are labouring under the disadvantage that the imperialists have succeeded in splitting the world into two camps; and this split is made more complicated by the fact that it is extremely difficult for Germany, which is really a land of advanced, cultured, capitalist development, to rise to her feet.

All the capitalist powers of what is called the West are pecking at her and preventing her from rising. On the other hand, the entire East, with its hundred of millions of exploited working people, reduced to the last degree of human suffering, has been forced into a position where its physical and material strength cannot possibly be compared with the physical, material and military strength of any of the much smaller West-European states.

Can we save ourselves from the impending conflict with these imperialist countries? May we hope that the internal antagonisms and conflicts between the thriving imperialist countries of the East will give us a second respite as they did the first time, when the campaign of the West-European counter-revolution in support of the Russian counter-revolution broke down owing to the antagonisms in the camp of the counter-revolutionaries of the West and the East, in the camp of th Eastern and Western exploiters, in the camp of Japan and the U.S.A.?

I think the reply to this question should be that the issue depends upon too many factors, and that the outcome of the struggle as a whole can be forecast only because in the long run capitalism itself is educating and training the vast majority of the population of the globe for the struggle.

In the last analysis, the outcome of the struggle will be determined by the fact that Russia, India, China, etc., account for the overwhelming majority of the population of the globe. And during the past few years it is this majority that has been drawn into the struggle for emancipation with extraordinary rapidity, so that in this respect there cannot be the slightest doubt what the final outcome of the world struggle will be. In this sense, the complete victory of socialism is fully and absolutely assured.

But what interests us is not the inevitability of this complete victory of socialism, but the tactics which we, the Russian Communist Party, we the Russian Soviet Government, should pursue to prevent the West-European counter-revolutionary states from crushing us.

To ensure our existence until the next military conflict between the counter-revolutionary imperialist West and the revolutionary and nationalist East, between the most civilised countries of the world and the Orientally backward countries which, however, compromise the majority, this majority must become civilised. We, too, lack enough civilisation to enable us to pass straight on to socialism, although we do have the political requisites for it. We should adopt the following tactics, or pursue the following policy, to save ourselves.

We must strive to build up a state in which the workers retain leadership of the peasants, in which they retain the confidence of the peasants, and by exercising the greatest economy, remove every trace of extravagance from our social relations.

We must reduce our state apparatus to the utmost degree of economy. We must banish from it all traces of extravagance, of which so much has been left over from tsarist Russia, form its bureaucratic capitalist state machine.

Will not this be a reign of peasant limitations?

No. If we see to it that the working class retains its leadership over the peasantry, we shall be able, by exercising the greatest possible thrift in the economic life of our state, to use every saving we make to develop our large-scale machine industry, to develop electrification, the hydraulic extraction of peat, to complete the Volkhov Power Project [A], etc.

In this, and in this alone, lies our hope. Only when we have done this shall we, speaking figuratively, be able to change horses, to change from the peasant, muzhik horse of poverty, from the horse of an economy designed for a ruined peasant country, to the horse which the proletariat is seeking and must seek — the horse of large-scale machine industry, of electrification, of the Volkhov Power Station, etc.

That is how I link up in my mind the general plan of our work, of our policy, of our tactics, of our strategy, with the functions of the reorganised Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection. This is what, in my opinion, justifies the exceptional care, the exceptional attention that we must devote to the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection in raising it to an exceptionally high level, in giving it a leadership with Central Committee rights, etc.,etc.

And this justification is that only by thoroughly purging our government machine, by reducing it to the utmost everything that is not absolutely essential in it, shall we be certain of being able to keep going. Moreover, we shall be able to keep going not on the level of a small-peasant country, not on the level of universal limitation, but on a level steadily advancing to large-scale machine industry.

These are the lofty tasks that I dream of for our Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection. That is why I am planning for it the amalgamation of the most authoritative Party body with an "ordinary"
People’s Commissariat.
March 2, 1923

Endnotes
[A] The Volkhov Power Project was the first of the big hydroelectric power stations the Soviet Union built on the River Volkhov. Its’ construction began in 1918, but made little progress until after the Civil War ended in 1920. It was commissioned in 1926.

Collected Works Volume 33
Collected Works Table of Contents
Last Works Collection

Panama Historic Center, wooden 2 story, 4th generation today, family home--Tsukuba University Japan, World Heritage Studies, Masters

San Felipe Corregimiento
Panama City Historic Center
Calle 3ra E. and Avenida Eloy Alfaro






University of Tsukuba, Japan
Master of Philosophy/Master of World Heritage Studies

Created in the spring of 2004, the World Heritage Studies programme at the University of Tsukuba involves two years of academic coursework in 'Theory and Management' and 'Evaluation and Conservation'. Various fieldwork is carried out by professors in the programme, such as projects in China, Sri Lanka, Tunisia and Turkey. For the moment, all coursework is in Japanese.


Welcome to the University of Tsukuba's
Master's Program in World Heritage Studies

World Heritage: This concept was first defined in 1972 through the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage , organized by UNESCO (The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization). Here the concept "World Heritage" is equivalent to "irreplaceable properties of mankind as a whole, which are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art, science or landscape."It is mankind's common responsibility to preserve these valuable properties remaining on the earth. Considering the required role as a university in this issue, University of Tsukuba has a newly established Master's Program in World Heritage Studies, with the aim of fostering internationally minded specialists in the field of conservation and restoration of cultural heritage as well as the field of protection of natural heritage.

The World Heritage and other valuable properties are spread throughout the world, all with their complex and diverse conditions. We should note that certain sites have been left in a very threatened situation without any effective or active measures taken for their protection.

Our program, World Heritage Studies, is divided into two main studies: "Theory and Management" and "Evaluation and Conservation." These sections cover a wide range of subjects to compose an organic structure of the curriculum: theory for heritage conservation, practical management for heritage conservation and its utilization, analysis of histories and conditions of heritage sites, and techniques in conservation and restoration.

Techniques in conservation and restoration, as well as protective skills for environment and nature are both indispensable in carrying out the protection of heritage, and they should be applies properly to fit the condition of each heritage site without spoiling its original value.
It is then also essential to recognize diverse situations surrounding heritage sites and to broaden our field of activity on heritage management and utilization after taking some protective or restoration measures. Our World Heritage Studies Program is advanced by specialists from various disciplines each with a view to keeping up with the multiplicity of these critical issues.

The educational program of our "World Heritage Studies" is carried out through strong supports from the Agency for Cultural Affairs of Japan and other Institutes. Being affiliated with a number of international/national organizations, it is part of the widest international network ever formed.

Our newly established Master's Program is thus established for those who are interested in conservation and restoration of cultural heritage, or for those who desire to activity contribute, by deepening their intercultural understanding or technical knowledge, to the protection of natural heritage throughout the world. Why don't you pursue your dream and realize it here with us in the World Heritage Studies Program at the University of Tsukuba?

++++++++++++++++++++++



Theory and Management Section


In this section, we address each problem in world heritage from a wide perspective. Through the acquisition of this multifaceted knowledge, this stream fosters the necessary practical aspects, education, methodological theory and management skills and preservation.

Based on fundamental knowledge and current understanding of the philosophy, culture, and religious principles that concern world heritage, this section challenges the international and social issues that have contributed to the current dangerous situation facing world heritage properties.

Through this stream, students can acquire the necessary management skills to apply to the preservation and utilization of traditional buildings and cultural landscapes that are entwined with lifestyle and manufacturing issues. In addition, students will learn the necessary strategies for protecting world heritage, including the digitalization of information and data concerning world heritage, operational strategies, tourism management, and conservation administration.

After graduation, students can expect to be employed as experts or coordinators in world heritage conservation or specialists in world preservation project planning on an international basis.

Evaluation and Conservation Section

The Evaluation and Conservation section focuses on valuing world heritage properties from the twin fundamentals of architectural and design history. With these points in mind, students learn concrete methods in the scientific analysis and repair procedures of preservation and conservation.
Furthermore, this section objectives emphasize consideration of the era, scale, knowledge of natural environmental features, as well as the purposes intended by the people that erected such edifices and the actual site itself. There is a further vital need for evaluating their significance in terms of architectural and design history.
In a number of cases, once the current conditions of such properties have been surveyed and analyzed, it is necessary to make decisions regarding the appropriate application of scientific restoration techniques and undertake conservation efforts. For that reason, restoration expertise requires broad knowledge and experience; thus, in this particular field, our purpose is to develop capable people who, based on a deep understanding of world heritage properties in general and Asia in particular, can make clear judgments regarding conservation and preservation.
After graduation, in addition to working in areas such as advancing research in heritage property preservation, graduates can expect to be employed in specialized occupations that include curators, editors, and experts in heritage conservation techniques.

+++++++++++++++++++++++++

PRINCIPALES ACUERDOS DEL ENCUENTRO DE DIRIGENTES POPULARES de FRENADESO, CELEBRADO en la Universidad de Panamá, Sabado, 12 DE JULIO DE 2008.

Mas joven participant presente
Niña Colonense cantante de SUNTRACS, comiendo mangos universitarios "tu ras."
Cantante reggaecero de SUNTRACS, "el EMPERADOR"
Pleno Escuchando
Pleno Analizando
Mgstra. Carmen Tedman MacIntire:
Coord. Nac. en Defensa de la Tierra y Agua
"Huelguitin parao y volteao"
"Huelguitin sentao"

Pleno Deliberando para acordar orientación de lucha nacional.


FRENADESO




Luego de analizar a profundidad la grave situación que confronta la sociedad panameña, representantes de distintas organizaciones sociales, gremios y fuerzas populares, acuerdan el siguiente plan de lucha.

1.- LOS OBJETIVOS DE ESTAS ACCIONES DE LUCHA:
• Que el gobierno dé la cara, entable los diálogos y negociaciones con los verdaderos interlocutores de las luchas gremiales y populares: COMENENAL, FAM, FRENADESO y que suspenda la farsa de diálogos y concertaciones de “Yo con Yo”.
• Que el gobierno de respuesta a los problemas y demandas populares y gremiales
• Rebaja y congelamiento de los precios de los artículos y servicios de primera necesidad.• Aumento General de salarios.
• Aumento de pensiones
• Que se pare el proyecto privatizador de la Salud.
• Que se suspenda el negociado que pretenden hacer con el servicio del transporte público (Transmovil).
• Que se detengan las medidas contra la estabilidad de los educadores, que se detenga la imposición del proyecto de transformación curricular y las inconsultas reformas a la Ley Orgánica de Educación.
• Mejoramiento de la infraestructura escolar y solución inmediata al problema de la fibra de vidrio.
• Cese de la violencia y la campaña de desprestigio contra los educadores.
• Reintegro de los estudiantes institutores injustamente sancionados.• Fin a la Venta de Panamá, de sus costas, islas, playas y manglares.
• Fin a la venta de nuestros ríos, el agua es sagrada.
• Que se detengan los planes de privatizar el agua.
• Fin a los proyectos depredadores del ambiente que atentan contra la vida de comunidades campesinas e indígenas como lo son las minas a cielo abierto en el caso de Cerro Petaquilla, por ejemplo, así como proyectos hidroeléctricos.
• Atención a los problemas comunitarios (acceso a agua potable, recolección de basura, servicio de alcantarillado, reparación de calles y veredas)
• Que se detengan los intentos para privatizar el resto de las acciones del IRHE e INTEL.
• Renacionalización de las empresas privatizadas.
• Rebaja inmediata de la tarifa eléctrica.
• Política energética nacional que enfrente la desenfrenada alza del petróleo, proponga fuentes energéticas alternativas (solar, etc.) y nos libere de la voracidad de las grandes petroleras.
• Fin al despilfarro de recursos del estado en engañosa publicidad gubernamental.• Rebaja de los salarios de las altas autoridades gubernamentales.
• Establecimiento de un salario mínimo justo y por igual en todo el territorio nacional.
• Pago de las partidas del XIII mes adeudas a los empleados públicos.
• Justicia para los trabajadores de la Ley 25
• Respeto a la libertad Sindical, el derecho a sindicación y huelga para los trabajadores públicos y privados.
• Fin del sindicalismo amarillo y el sicariato.
• Respeto a las normas de salud y seguridad en la construcción y cumplimiento de los reglamentos, decretos y leyes sobre la materia.
• Fin a la represión y persecución contra el pueblo.
• Que se detenga el plan de seguridad que busca revivir el G-2 y retrotraer el norieguismo
• Castigo a los responsables de violaciones a los derechos humanos
• Inmediata destitución de los ministros Salvador Rodríguez y Daniel Delgado Diamante, así como Ligia Castro, Directora de ANAM; Víctor Carlos Urrutia, Administrador de la Autoridad de Servicios Públicos (ASEP) y otros funcionarios reconocidos por su incapacidad manifiesta, por los abusos y atropellos contra la población y por su complicidad en el desarrollo de los proyectos depredadores del ambiente.

2.- ESTRATEGIA DE LUCHA ESCALONADA HACIA LA GRAN HUELGA NACIONAL.
Piqueteos y volanteos al medio día en los centros de trabajo, universidades y escuela a partir del lunes 14 de julio.
• Tranques parciales.
• Foro Contra la Privatización de la Salud
• Foro Contra el neoliberalismo en la Educación (Proyecto de Transformación Curricular por Competencias)
• Foro sobre el Agua y la Problemática Ambiental
• Piqueteos en el Ministerio de Educación
• Acciones de solidaridad con los pacientes y familiares victimas con dietilenglycol (acompañamiento 19 de julio, 3:00 p.m. Presidencia de la República, a un año de la cobarde paliza del SPI)
• Marcha el jueves 14 de agosto de 2008.
• Programas radiales y televisivos.
• Acompañamiento a estudiantes encadenados en el Instituto Nacional todos los días..
• Vigilias
• Distribución de volantes, presentación de documentales en barrios, parques, peatonal.
• Masiva distribución de volantes todos los domingos de julio en las iglesias.
• Encuentros de Dirigentes Populares a nivel nacional y provincial.
• Paros escalonados de 1 hora.
• Movilizaciones por provincia.
• Huelga de Advertencia
• Huelga indefinida

3.- COORDINADORA DE LUCHA POR EL RESPETO A LA VIDA Y DIGNIDAD
Establecimiento de una Coordinadora de FRENADESO con otras Organizaciones Gremiales y Populares para coordinar y dirigir la lucha hacia los objetivos buscados.

4.- REITERAR EL CARÁCTER PACÍFICO DE LA LUCHA.
• Frenadeso, los gremios y organizaciones crearán comités de orden y seguridad para controlar posibles provocaciones de infiltrados en las acciones a realizar.
• Contrario a lo que se quiere presentar a la opinión publica, este no es un movimiento con fines politiqueros, esta es una lucha por las reivindicaciones del pueblo, un movimiento amplio, patriótico, unitario y cívico por el respeto a la Vida y a la Dignidad. Este movimiento reconoce que esta lucha no es de uno, esta lucha es de todos.

5- FECHA DE LA HUELGA NACIONAL
Este Encuentro de Dirigentes da su voto de confianza a la Coordinadora de Organizaciones Gremiales y Populares para definir la fecha definitiva de la Huelga Nacional, así como su carácter y tiempo de duración, una vez se concluya el proceso democrático de consulta con las bases.

Esta Coordinadora se reúne el próximo sábado 19 de julio, en lugar y hora previamente acordados.

El presente documento está abierto a la discusión, crítica y espera nuevos aportes.

Universidad de Panamá, Auditorio José Dolores Moscote, Sabado, 12 de julio de 2008.
Internet Filtering basics
By Alex Polling

Our body is made so that it perceives (filters) only certain kinds of information. For example, our eyes detect photons of wavelength between 400 and 700 nanometers, and everything out of this range passes by us, remaining undetectable. In that way, we can’t hear some sounds that can be heard by animals or using special equipment. The process of evolution selected these kinds of information as the most important for our survival, and everything else is filtered out.

But with the Internet things are a bit different. It has grown too fast and we do our best trying to cope with large amounts of information, most of which we may not need at all. And what’s more important, there is a lot of information that contains offensive, "inappropriate," or "objectionable" material. This material can fall into different categories, but the point is that we need to filter it out using filtering software, as we want to enjoy using the Internet and to feel safe about our kids enjoying it. A filter is a kind of software program that prevents one from viewing objectionable material on the Internet.

Actually, filtering software does two things.
The first thing it does is it rates or categorizes web sites using different kinds of distinctions and algorithms.

Second, based on the security level of the current user, it decides whether to block the requested material or not.

There are a few kinds/features of filtering.
URL filtering. Blocks URLs containing inappropriate or blacklisted words.

Keyword blocking. The software uses a predefined list of keywords that it considers offensive or inappropriate. Before the requested material is passed to a user, the software searches it for any of the keywords from the list and blocks the content.

Web-sites blocking. Blocks entire web-sites or some parts of these web-sites based on a blacklist (list of blocked sites) drawn up by companies. Most software vendors do not allow their users to see the list of blocked sites, they consider it a secret but you can add new or exclude existing sites from their list.

Protocol blocking. Since we use not only the web, but also Instant Messaging or newsgroups, filters provide IM blocking, FTP blocking, email blocking, and Peer-to-Peer (P2P) blocking.
Dynamic Categorization. Uses smart algorithms to decide whether the content is appropriate or not based on the content of web page. This kind of categorization is smarter than keyword blocking, which may filter out totally appropriate content containing objectionable keywords in an appropriate context.

Image Recognition. Filters inappropriate graphical images. Filtering of inappropriate graphical images requires a lot of computer time and because of this it is mostly not used in today’s filters.

Newsgroup filtering. There can be simple newsgroup filters which block access to all or specific newsgroups, but more flexible filters like CyberSieve allow you to restrict specific users to specific groups or even to groups that fall into some “group pattern”.

These are basics things that filtering software does.

In addition there are features that make filtering software much more convenient and user friendly. One of them is the e-mail notification system. For instance, the notification system of CyberSieve will send you e-mail messages when any banned web site has been visited thus allowing you to take action immediately. Also in CyberSieve you can specify the programs that can or cannot access the Internet. For example, you can block Internet access for peer-to-peer program and allow Internet access for your email client. And it is also possible to restrict specific users to only a few specified programs that require Internet access. The latter makes CyberSieve a truly family solution because each user can be given specific restrictions and privileges tailored to his or her age and needs etc.

One more useful feature of CyberSieve is that not only users/groups can have different levels of access, but you can also set limitations on Internet traffic (the amount of data that can be sent or received.) The access to the Internet can be scheduled to specify days and times.

We grant you permission to use our articles on your web site or your newsletters, under the condition that non of the content is changed, and non of the links are removed. Read more articles ... Read more about SoftForYou products

lunes, 14 de julio de 2008

Control your young child's computer

Parental Control Articles
Control your young child's computer

Children use computers from a very early age, and this exposes them to certain risks.This article describes what the risks are, and what steps parents can take to protect their young children from the computer.

Online predatorsOnline predators can be a major threat to the safety of your children. They can be very sly in how they coerce children into chatting with them, and sometimes even try to arrange meetings with child..

Online chat safetyMost young people chat over the Internet, particularly on sites such as MySpace, but unawares they may well be chatting to a sexual predator pretending to be a child...

Why should I buy an Internet filter?Some people question the need for an Internet filter on their computer. This article describes exactly how a filter can be of benefit to you and your family.

Remote Monitoring softwareGood monitoring software gives you the ability to monitor from a distance in real time from any computer with an Internet connection. This article describes in detail the features of Remote Monitoring software.

Remote monitoring of your childThis article describes how remote monitoring can help you protect you child from the potential dangers connected to Internet use.

Internet filtering softwareInternet filtering software has become a very popular toll for protecting children from the potential dangers due to Internet use. This article describes the criteria you should look forward when choosing quality Internet filtering software

Internet filtersInternet filters first appeared 15 years ago as a response to the explosion in the amount of pornography freely available on the Internet. They have developed quickly since then, and now are very powerful and feature rich.

Parental control software programsThis article describes the results of a survey relating to the use of parental control software programs within the US. One significant find was that 54% of American families have parental control software installed on their home computers...

A lesson for your childrenThis article describes a real life experiment, in which an older guy coerced young girls into giving out private information, and arranged to meet up with them. The experiment demonstrates the risks associated with online chat and personal blogs.

Internet Filtering at public librariesThis articles outlines how the 'The Children's Internet Protection Act' (CIPA) affects libraries, and what libraries must do to keep within the boundaries of this law.

Porn blockersInternet pornography is big business with over 1 million pornographic web sites on the net. Many children stumble upon such sites accidentally. This article describes how porn blockers offer a solution to parents who are concerned about the effect of Internet pornography on their children.

Control child's computer useIn the modern age parents need to be pro-active in controlling how and for how long their children play on the computer and surf the web. This article offers tips for parents for how to control their child's computer use.

Monitoring your child's Internet useThere are 2 main ways to protect your child from the dangers of Internet use; filtering and monitoring. This article explores the second way; how monitoring can be of benefit to you and your child.

Safe web sites for your childrenAs an antidote to the glut of freely available sites that are wholly unsuitable for children, more and more benign sites are being created that are specifically directed at children and teenagers. Here we have listed some of the best ones..

Computer/video games and your child's healthExcessive playing of computer/video games by children can have many detrimental effects on children. There is a link between computer/video games and child violence. In addition Computer/video games can have a detrimental effect on your child's psychological and physical development..

Internet Safety tips for your ChildrenAs your child grows up, their use of the computer and the Internet changes. This articles looks at each stage of a child's development and what a parent should be on the look out for in order to protect him or her from the detrimental aspects associated with computer and Internet use

Instant messaging: protecting your childrenWhat is Instant messaging, and why can it be problematic for your children? This article explores this subject, and offers tips on how to reduce its potential dangers.

Email – keeping your children protectedThere are a few risks associated with children using Email. This articles discusses them and offers tips on how to make Email use as risk free as possible.

Peer to Peer networks - vital information for parentsWhat are Peer to Peer networks, why are they popular and what dangers do they pose to children and personal computers? This article also includes a list of the most commonly used peer to peer sites.

Newsgroups - what parents should knowWhat are newsgroups, who uses them and why? How can a newsgroup pose a threat to your children and how can these risks be reduced?

Blog sites and your childrenWhat is a blog site, and in what way can they pose a risk to your children? What should parents do to protect their children from the these risks?

Chat sites and your childrenHere you can read about a number of incidents involving children who met up with a person they met over a chat site. It turned out that these people were slightly less desirable than first assumed..

The Internet and Your ChildA run down of some of the ways in which the Internet can pose a threat to your child's well being, with statistics concerning paedophiliac behaviour on the net.

Internet Filtering basicsInternet filters have a wide range of functions. Here we have described the most important features of a filter that can help to keep your family safe whilst using the Internet.

Safe Web browsingThere are many problems that can occur when browsing online; the security of your information can be breached, your computer can catch a virus, and others. This article discusses how we can make our online browsing safer.

Making Instant Messaging SaferBeing such a popular means of communication, we need to have the right strategies in place to make instant messanging as safe as possible. This article gives a number of guidelines to help keep your instant messaging safer for your family and your computer.
Windows FirewallA Basic Introduction to Firewalls

Parents!
Read these basic Internet safety tips while taking a look at the iProtectYou control panel.See how easy it is to make iProtectYou do exactly what you need it to do.

Safety tips for protecting kids online (HTML). Safety tips for protecting kids online (PDF).

LA MAFIOCRACIA COLOMBIANA

"La mafioparamilicracia colombiana"

Fuente: http://www.jornada.%20unam./ Lunes 14 de julio de 2008
Opinión: Carlos Fazio

Uno.
Colombia, hoy, es un para-Estado de tipo delincuencial y mafioso. Álvaro Uribe es el primer presidente de los narcotraficantes y los paramilitares. La simbiosis entre paramilitarismo, narcotráfico y una ideología neofascista para combatir a las guerrillas de las FARC y el ELN y a otras expresiones del pueblo organizado se apoderó de las ramas del poder público y las instituciones.

Durante sus dos mandatos, Uribe ha legalizado e institucionalizado el paramilitarismo y sus estructuras económicas y armadas, que han sido incorporadas a la maquinaria de guerra oficial. Además de favorecer los negocios criminales y brindar protección estatal a las mafias de la narcoparapolí tica, Uribe practica el terrorismo de Estado y la lucha contrainsurgente en beneficio de una oligarquía genocida y clasista y grandes compañías multinacionales.El Plan Colombia de Estados Unidos y la política de “seguridad democrática” de Uribe son un mismo plan de guerra.

A la oligarquía, Uribe y la familia Santos (a la que pertenecen el vicepresidente y el ministro de Defensa) no les interesa acabar con el conflicto armado porque se benefician con el actual modelo de dominación y acumulación capitalista. A George W. Bush tampoco, porque su administració n y la anterior militarizaron Colombia y la convirtieron en un portaviones terrestre del Pentágono para la desestabilización y recolonización de Sudamérica.

El principal paradigma del régimen militarista de Uribe es el jefe del Ejército, general Mario Montoya, héroe de la Operación Jaque, al que abrazó y besó Ingrid Betancourt tras su liberación.Connotado carnicero, hombre de Washington, Montoya fue creador de una unidad terrorista clandestina (la Alianza Anticomunista Americana) y como jefe castrense ha participado en matanzas de civiles en los departamentos de Putumayo y Chocó, y en la ciudad de Medellín.

Más de 15 mil desaparecidos, 3 mil 500 fosas comunes, 4 millones de desplazados de guerra y el asesinato de mil 700 indígenas, 2 mil 550 sindicalistas y más de 5 mil miembros de la Unión Patriótica develan la “democracia” colombiana.

Dos.
Aunque queda mucho por aclarar después de la ópera bufa protagonizada por las autoridades colombianas, la participación directa de militares y agentes de inteligencia de Estados Unidos e Israel, y probablemente de Francia, en la operación clandestina que “rescató” a 15 prisioneros de guerra de las FARC –entre ellos Ingrid Betancourt y tres agentes encubiertos de Washington–, puso en evidencia que en Colombia se está jugando algo más que un conflicto interno.

Lo novedoso es que por primera vez, de manera pública y notoria, la administración de Bush admitió que está metida directamente en el conflicto.El Pentágono y su peón Uribe libran en Colombia una guerra sicológica. Nada en la llamada Operación Jaque estuvo librado a la improvisación. El manejo de la información-desinfor mación por sus planificadores siguió pautas y tiempos predeterminados en el contexto de una propaganda de guerra.

Como dice Luis Britto, hoy, incluso las guerras de liberación “no se pelean ya en los campos de batalla, sino en las pantallas”. También es cierto que ningún conflicto, incluido el colombiano, se resolverá con decretos mediáticos y puestas en escena hollywoodescas.El embajador de Estados Unidos en Colombia, William Brownfield, declaró que el resultado de la operación fue producto de una “intensa cooperación militar” entre el Pentágono y el alto mando militar colombiano, equiparando incluso esa alianza con la que Washington mantiene con los militares europeos de la OTAN.

“Los satélites espías (estadunidenses) ayudaron a ubicar a los rehenes (los militares colombianos) , instalaron equipos de vigilancia de video proporcionados por Estados Unidos, que pueden hacer acercamientos y tomas panorámicas operadas a control remoto a lo largo de ríos, única ruta de transporte a través de densas zonas selváticas (…) aviones de reconocimiento (de Estados Unidos) interceptaron conversaciones por radio y teléfono satelital de los rebeldes y emplearon imágenes que pueden penetrar el follaje de la selva”, admitieron fuentes gubernamentales en Washington. Es obvio que Brownfield no sufrió un ataque deespontaneidad.

Tampoco el portavoz del Consejo de Seguridad estadunidense Gordon Johndroe, ni el jefe del Comando Sur, almirante James Stavridis, quienes reconocieron que el gobierno de Bush proporcionó “ayuda específica” para la operación.

La participación del Mossad y del Shin Beht (los servicios secretos israelíes) también cobró mayor visibilidad. En particular, la confirmación de la presencia en Colombia del general retirado Israel Ziv, ex miembro del Estado Mayor del ejército israelí y ex jefe de la Brigada Givati que invadió el campo de refugiados de Al Amal, en Gaza, y que figura hoy en la nómina de la fuerza de tarea contra el terrorismo, adscrita al Consejo de Seguridad bajo las órdenes del secretario Michael Chertoff, en Washington. Otras dos cartas “quemadas” son Gal Hirsh, ex alto oficial en la zona norte de Israel durante la última guerra en Líbano, y Yossi Kuperwasser, ex director del servicio de investigación de la inteligencia militar israelí.

Tres.
El 26 de junio, la Corte Suprema de Justicia sentenció que la relección de Uribe fue resultado del delito de cohecho, por lo que su actual periodo de gobierno carece de legitimación constitucional. Ahora, la mafiocracia colombiana podría derivar en una dictadura civil plebiscitaria sostenida por el poder de las armas. A su vez, es prematuro entonar un réquiem por las FARC, a pesar de los golpes recibidos. Cuando los polvos se asienten, las FARC seguirán siendo un referente de la realidad colombiana.

En cambio, Uribe, quien carga con un amplio dossier por sus nexos con el narcoparamilitarismo, es desechable para Washington. Igual que Somoza y tantos otros antes en la historia.

sábado, 12 de julio de 2008

Anita Rodriguez/elderly "Anita (Webster) de Panama" and Costa Rican Music School students-parents: at Cafe Coca Cola & w/INAC Dir. Architect Rodriguez


FOTOS:

SUNTRACS members at UP Transistmica Kiosko prior to Saturday, 9 am Dolores Moscote Auditorium analysis, debate and vote on a "national general strike."

Costa Rica Music School students and parents at Cafe Coca Cola with Chorrera Mayoral Candidate Rafael Pitti, PRD.

Via Argentina Restaurant: CR Music School piano and guitar students w/pianist DANTE BERNUY and CR student parent.

Via Argentina Restaurant: CR Music School piano student oportunity to play "improvised jazz" in restaurant.

Cafe Coca Cola: Anita Rodriguez/elderly PIANIST ANITA (WEBSTER) DE PANAMA